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WELCOME! CrossCurrents aims to provoke thought and enrich faith by interpreting current events in the light of Catholic tradition. I hope you find these columns both entertaining and clarifying. Your feedback and comments are welcome! See more about me and my work at http://home.comcast.net/~bfmswain/onlinestorage/index.html or contact me directly at bfswain@juno.com NOTE: TO READ OR WRITE COMMENTS, CLICK ON THE TITLE OF A POST.

Friday, October 26, 2012

#374: What Foreign Policy?

Foreign policy will not have much impact on the outcome of the 2012 presidential elections. But from the point of view of our faith tradition, that only means the candidates are ignoring some very high stakes.
Pundits covering the last presidential debate seemed surprised by how often the two candidates agreed on US foreign policy--but often that only meant they were united in disagreeing with Catholic Social Teaching on international relations.
Fifty years ago this week, Americans--and the world--were terrified by the Cuban missile crisis.  I had just started high school, and I remember three things from  October 1962.
 First, I was painfully self-conscious of the cast on my arm that I still wore after putting my hand through a window in August.  Second, the Jesuits running the school kept us praying daily for the success of the just-opened Second Vatican Council.  Third was the eerie, surreal sensation of standing outside our building at lunchtime on Friday, October 26 (50 years ago TODAY!), surrounded by my new classmates, all of us scanning the skies for the first sign of a nuclear attack and collectively holding our breaths as we prayed the Soviet ships would turn back before they were fired upon by the US vessels blockading Cuba.
Like many of my 1962 peers, I had read my share of nuclear disaster novels: On The Beach, Red Alert, Seven Days In May, Alas Babylon, etc.  I had also read John Hersey’s Hiroshima.  All these gave me horrifyingly graphic ideas of what a nuclear attack would mean.  My one consolation was the knowledge that, because we all lived in a major metropolitan area, we would not suffer: an instant after the first blinding flash we would all be dead.
Small wonder, then, that the Council Fathers gathered in Rome went out of their way to stake out the Church’s official position on nuclear weapons:
Any act of war aimed indiscriminately at the destruction of entire cities of extensive areas along with their population is a crime against God and man himself. It merits unequivocal and unhesitating condemnation….The arms race in which an already considerable number of countries are engaged is not a safe way to preserve a steady peace, nor is the so-called balance resulting from this race a sure and authentic peace. Rather than being eliminated thereby, the causes of war are in danger of being gradually aggravated. While extravagant sums are being spent for the furnishing of ever new weapons, an adequate remedy cannot be provided for the multiple miseries afflicting the whole modern world. Disagreements between nations are not really and radically healed; on the contrary, they spread the infection to other parts of the earth. …Therefore, we say it again: the arms race is an utterly treacherous trap for humanity, and one which ensnares the poor to an intolerable degree. –Gaudium et Spes #80
Fifty years since that October, how far have we progressed?  The US nuclear arsenal is bigger and more powerful than in 1962, there are more nuclear powers than ever, North Korea has recently joined the club, and the threat of rogue nuclear attacks is far greater now than ever before.
And where do our candidates stand?  They agree: Iran must not acquire nuclear weapons! Iran!  As if the world is safe from the nuclear threat as long as we prevent one particular nation from acquiring them.  As if we are perfectly comfortable living with the nuclear capabilities of North Korea, Pakistan, China, India, Israel, and even France--but could never survive a nuclear Iran!
The fact that the US opened the nuclear Pandora’s box, the fact that only the US has ever committed a nuclear attack, the fact that we maintain the largest arsenal, the fact that we still threaten to use it even as a first strike, the fact that our nuclear history has triggered a competition among nations to acquire the “prestige” and “security” we already enjoy by possessing nukes, the fact that today Iran lives under the threat of an Israeli nuclear attack--both candidates seem blind to all these facts. They can only see that a nuclear-armed Iran would suddenly make nuclear weapons dangerous!
And this blindness does not end with nukes.  On issue after issue that Catholic Social Teaching (CST) considers critical to better international relations and a peaceful world, the candidates were either off the mark or else simply silent.
On Nukes: The only other comment was the notion that we must maintain our alliance with Pakistan because they have 100 nuclear warheads.  Sounds to me like acquiring nukes is the surest way to buy America’s friendship.
On Iran’s Leadership: One candidate proclaimed we must indict their president for international crimes and genocide--without mentioning that, because the US refuses to join the International Criminal Court, we cannot indict anyone.
On Military Spending: the candidates have argued over budget deficits and national debt, and disagreed over spending money the military itself never requested. But neither candidate has proposed any serious reduction in our military spending--the kind of reduction, for example, that would shrink the military’s slice of our budget pie.  
 At a time when both sides target “entitlement” programs as fair game for reduced spending, military spending remains a “sacred cow”--even though it dwarfs the spending of all our allies combined. 
The Catholic Church calls arms manufacturing and sales a major obstacle to attacking world poverty, and Dwight Eisenhower warned against the military industrial complex more than 50 years ago, but that complex remains above scrutiny by our political leaders.
Endless War: Both candidates backed drone warfare.  President Obama orders it, and Governor Romney approves of it.  This means the US attacks on foreign soil will continue no matter who becomes President. 
Drones allow us to kill without risk to ourselves, so they have opened the door to attacks that violate Catholic Just War rules in several ways: their wars are undeclared, and not in self-defense, drones often kill civilians (including one 16-year-old American citizen), and their long-term damage to America’s reputation may well outweigh their benefits.  Yet our President continues to personally approve assassination attacks by drones, and so will the next President--no matter who he is.
Rights Violations: In 2008 Obama promised to close Guantanamo, and also campaigned against US policies of torture and rendition.  In 2012 both candidates are silent on these matters, and worse: the NDAA (National Defense Authorization Act) and the Obama administration’s expanded “kill lists” mean that more people, including US citizens, are having their civil and human rights violated--another breach of Catholic Social Teaching.
Peace?  Both candidates give lip service to peace: it became Romney’s mantra in the last debate, and Obama has received the Nobel Peace Prize.  But neither one offers a credible strategy to achieve it.  CST has repeatedly insisted that the “absence of conflict” falls short of true peace, but now both sides assume that even absence of conflict is not a realistic goal. They argue that terrorism is here to stay, and our vast military power must adapt to combat it.  No one wants to ask why this has happened, or how to end it.  They admit “we cannot kill all the bad guys,” but nonetheless they keeps swatting at the ever-growing swarm--never talking about how to drain the swamp that breeds them.
Immigration:  This often gets treated as a domestic issue, but by definition immigrants arrive from foreign lands.  As so much of the Third World falls further and further behind us, are we surprised that their people flock to advanced economies in the US and Europe?
As early as the 1970s, CST argued that North-South relations (that is, between rich and poor nations) were more critical to the global future then East-West relations (that is, the Cold War).  But American leaders turned a deaf ear, and today we suffer the results--both terrorism and unmanageable immigration--because we failed to use US influence to shape a fairer global culture over the last 40 years.
Now CST stresses that people migrating to escape poverty and oppression are exercising a human right, even if they break the law by doing it.  I keep waiting for a candidate to address our immigration problem in the framework of human rights.  But it’s not happening in 2012.
Resources.  Underlying much of this, of course, is the real US elephant in the international room: we Americans are 6% of the world’s population, yet we consume 40% of the world’s resources.  Even Europeans, who live extremely well by global standards, use only 25% of the energy (per capita) that Americans use.  In short, we are the resource pigs of the world, and we have been for decades, and we show no signs of reforming our gluttonous ways. 
Aside from the ecological damage this does, the consequences on world relations are profound: we proclaim ourselves as the “Number One” model for the world, and our pop culture encourages everyone to admire, envy, and imitate us.  Yet we ignore the truth: the earth’s finite resources can never support our wasteful “American way of life” for all of the world’s five billion people.  That is the real math that does not work. Yet this election has been silent on this.
In sum, a real foreign policy that reflects the values of CST would begin by acknowledging that, while our freedoms and our wealth make us admired and envied, our endless war-making and gluttonous way of life and disregard for human rights make us the rogue elephant that attracts the natural, inevitable attention of big-game hunters who feel compelled to attack the threat we represent to them.
 In the years since World War II we have achieved a kind of global hegemony that reminds us of the historic rise of many great empires.  Catholic Social Teaching embodies a wisdom that cautions us to beware the pitfalls of empire.  It offers a wiser path to avoid the fall of our own empire.  But our leaders are not listening.
 Fifty years after the Cuban missile crisis, our world is no more secure, peace is no nearer, and another generation must grow in the shadow of violence.
I am reminded of the 1963 words of Martin Luther King: “Our Scientific Power has outrun our spiritual power.  We have guided missiles and misguided men.”
Those words happen to echo perfectly the vision of Vatican II: While man extends his power in every direction, he does not always succeed in subjecting it to his own welfare."
We need leadership that can match our power with new wisdom. Are we getting it?
© Bernard F. Swain PhD 2012

Monday, October 22, 2012

#373: Which Catholic Candidate?



It would be tempting—but wrong—to assume that one VP candidate represents our faith, while the other does not.
Last week’s Catholic media has been full of politics.  Everyone seems to be trying to prove that their Vice-presidential candidate is a better representative of Catholic teaching. We even have some bishops proclaiming that Joe Biden cannot receive communion in their dioceses.
We have known since summer that the presidential race featured two Catholic Vice-presidential candidates.  But only on October 10 did we get to compare and contrast Joe Biden and Paul Ryan face to face on the subject of their Catholic faith.
The Vice-presidential debate was nearly over when moderate Martha Radditz posed this question:
This debate is, indeed, historic. We have two Catholic candidates, first time, on a stage such as this. And I would like to ask you both to tell me what role your religion has played in your own personal views on abortion.
Please talk about how you came to that decision. Talk about how your religion played a part in that. And, please, this is such an emotional issue for so many people in this country...
Although the question focused somewhat narrowly on abortion--almost as though abortion is the only “Catholic” issue--it also offered a useful opening for two broader questions: 1. What difference does Catholic Social Teaching make in their respective political positions?  2.  Which candidate is more consistent and reflecting Catholic social teaching?
It is instructive, but also surprising, to start with the answers the candidates gave Radditz. In fact, both candidates answered “Yes, but…”
Paul Ryan said:

I don't see how a person can separate their public life from their private life or from their faith. Our faith informs us in everything we do. My faith informs me about how to take care of the vulnerable, of how to make sure that people have a chance in life.
Now, you want to ask basically why I'm pro-life? It's not simply because of my Catholic faith. That's a factor, of course. But it's also because of reason and science…Now I believe that life begins at conception.
That's why -- those are the reasons why I'm pro-life.
Joe Biden said:

My religion defines who I am, and I've been a practicing Catholic my whole life. And has particularly informed my social doctrine. The Catholic social doctrine talks about taking care of those who -- who can't take care of themselves, people who need help. With regard to -- with regard to abortion, I accept my church's position on abortion as a--what we call a de fide doctrine. Life begins at conception in the church's judgment. I accept it in my personal life. 
But I refuse to impose it on equally devout Christians and Muslims and Jews, and I just refuse to impose that on others…I do not believe that we have a right to tell other people that -- women they can't control their body. It's a decision between them and their doctor…I'm not going to interfere with that.
In other words, both candidates were saying, in effect, that Catholic Social Teaching makes no difference in their position on abortion.  Ryan would be pro-life on scientific and medical grounds, even if he were not Catholic.  And Biden chooses not to apply Catholic teaching on abortion to public policy.  So in both cases, their political positions are not different because of their Catholic faith.
Biden did mention Catholic Social Doctrine more broadly, implying that his overall politics better reflect Catholic Social Teaching than Ryan’s politics do.  But the debate ended there. This, of course, begs the question: what if we dig deeper?
CrossCurrents readers know my general take on the relation between Catholic Social Teaching (CST) and our major political parties: CST does not fit into conventional political categories of “liberal” or “conservative.” We cannot expect CST to favor either the Democratic or the Republican platforms.
Consider some major 2012 issues.
“Big Government” or “Small Government”?  The general dividing line between these parties, for example, concerns the size of government: Democrats favor a larger, more “progressive” government, while Republicans favor a smaller, less “intrusive” government.  But CST has no preference in principle.  That’s because CST has no doctrine on the best size for government. 
Rather, the chief principle here is “the common good.” All government must serve the common good as much as possible--and how it does that is a matter of prudential judgment.  Because government is just a means to achieve the end of the common good, it must leave room for other institutions (from families and local communities on up)--but it must also be powerful enough to address social needs that other institutions cannot meet.  In CST, there is no magic formula for this.
Taxes: Up or Down?  Another debated issue in 2012 is taxes. On this, as on government itself, CST does not lay down any grand principle.  It regards taxes as the main source for the funding that government needs to do its job.  If that job is promoting the common good (in collaboration with other institutions), then taxes are good insofar as they enable the common good, and paying taxes is one way that we, as citizens, support the common good. 
Whether any citizen should pay more or less depends on whether such change would enhance or hinder progress toward the common good of all.  This means that raising and lowering taxes is never good or better in principle, but depends on the specific case.
We may debate, then, whether a specific tax hike or tax cut better serves the common good.  But politicians who pledged never to raise taxes (as Ryan has)  are demonizing taxes, contrary to CST, rather than seeing them as a potential instrument for good.
Wealth and Poverty.  We hear a lot in 2012 about the “middle class” and “job creators.” But neither side says much less about the “working class” or the poor.  Yet CST favors attention to the poor as a top priority.  Moreover, CST decries extreme income inequality between classes.  US inequality has grown steadily since 1970, and ranks worst among advanced industrial nations. Yet any attempt to close that gap by redistributing wealth, something CST favors, generally gets labeled “socialism.” In this respect, CST falls to the left even of the Democratic Party.  As Benedict XVI wrote: “we cannot remain on the sidelines in the fight for justice.”
Human Rights. The same is true for human rights: As a general rule, the Church’s list of human rights is considerably longer than either US political party, for while Americans tend to think only of civil rights (voting, public access, freedom from discrimination, due process, First Amendment rights), Catholicism also embraces many economic and social rights: education, health care, just wages, labor rights, immigration.  On many such rights, our popes since 1960 have staked out positions well to the left of the Democratic Party. And these positions are not merely nice goals; they are matters of principle.
With all this in mind, I’m not terribly surprised that the debate revealed that, despite their rhetoric, the personal faith of our two Catholic candidates does not make much difference in their politics.  Like most American Catholics, they appear to get their politics from their parties and other secular sources, not from their Church (for example, see http://www.onourshoulders.org/ for Ayn Rand’s influence on Paul Ryan,). And like most Catholics, they reinterpret Catholic Social Teaching to fit their personal politics--or, on inconvenient issues, they ignore it all together.
© Bernard F. Swain PhD 2012

Thursday, October 11, 2012

#372 10 Ways to Remember John XXIII

Even if most Catholics have forgotten about Vatican II, or are simply too young to remember it, now is the time to recall the hero behind the Council.
Today-- October 11, 2012--is the big day.
Every year the Roman Catholic Church celebrates October 11 as the feast of Blessed Pope John XXIII (Angelo Roncalli).  But this October 11 also marks the 50th anniversary of the opening of Vatican Council II--what historian John O’Malley, SJ, has called “the biggest meeting in history.” 
And since the Council was John XXIII’s idea, it makes sense to name some reasons why this man’s memory is worth preserving and celebrating.
John XXIII's Coronation
1.   Elected to warm the throne.  By most standards Angelo Roncalli was too old to be pope, but the conclave’s favored candidate, Archbishop Montini of Milan, was not yet a cardinal.  So many cardinals voted for Roncalli as a tactical maneuver, electing an old man guaranteed to reign briefly, a “transitional pope” who would buy enough time for Montini to come of age.  This is precisely what happened--Montini was elected Paul VI in 1963--but not before John XXIII had proven that, however brief his own tenure, he was not content merely to warm the papal throne!
2.   A life-long diplomat.  Despite his humble origins from a Bergamo peasant family, Roncalli spent most of his career in the Vatican diplomatic corps, serving as emissary to Istanbul and to Paris.  This career kept him out of Vatican circles and allowed Vatican officials to judge him only from afar--and those judgments proved far off indeed.
3.   Chronically underestimated.  Roncalli’s style was to work quietly but effectively, never to impose himself, never to attempt impressing others.  His self- effacing manner (along with his short, portly figure) allowed him to accomplish a good deal without drawing much attention to himself.  As with another round man, John Le Carre’s fictional hero George Smiley, this induced many around him to underestimate his intelligence, his skill, and eventually, even his power.
Even today, his memory is obscured by shadows cast by his successors, especially John-Paul II. But none of their papacies could have happened without John and his council.
4.   Willing to break the rules.  I have noted in an earlier article how Roncalli was prepared to go outside the box when his own judgment told him something more important than protocol was at stake:
As the Vatican’s apostolic delegate to Turkey and Greece during World War II, he engineered the escape of as many as 200,000 Hungarian Jews (mostly children) from Nazi clutches by issuing them baptismal certificates—for which the Holocaust Museum of Israel bestowed upon him the rare honorary title “Righteous Among the Nations” in 2004.
Those certificates were frauds—but Roncalli saved lives. Later, in Paris, he broke ranks again to support the controversial worker priest movement.
The cardinals who elected him should have known to expect more from John than a mere caretaker pope.
5.   His episcopal motto: “Obedience and Peace.” This motto reflected his persona as a company man who would not rock the boat or break ranks.  But as the World War II incident showed, this did not mean he would be timid in exercising his own authority.  And once he was elected pope, the motto’s true meaning emerged: for now he had no one to obey but himself and his God.  No need to rock the Barque of Peter, since he could now take over as its pilot and steer his own course.
6.   Our funniest pope.  Admittedly, “papal humor” is nearly a contradiction in terms, but nonetheless John XXIII stands out as someone whose personal modesty and impatience with formality protected him from taking himself or the Vatican too seriously.
After protesting that the College of Cardinals had elected a man too old for the job, he observed, “Here I am at the end of the road and at the top of the heap.”
Some time after his election he also admitted; “It often happens that I wake up at night and begin to think about a serious problem and decide I must tell the pope about it.  Then I wake up completely and remember that I am the pope.”
And once while walking in the street he overheard a woman comment “My God, he’s so fat!” and he turned around and said, “Madam, I trust you understand that the papal conclave is not exactly a beauty contest.” 

These examples suggest that most of John’s humor was about self-effacement.  It was part of what made him so beloved, and part of the reason he was so powerful in giving the Catholic Church a warm human face to the rest of the world. With his humor, he made the papacy popular.
 7.   A man of vision and hope.  In January 1959, on the feast of St. Paul only three months after his election, Pope John invited 18 Curia cardinals to accompany him to a ceremony at St. Paul Outside the Walls. 
He had big news to announce: he had decided to convene a Council!  It would be the first in a century, it would be the biggest ever, and it would focus on renewing the Church itself.  This idea literally took the cardinals’ breath away.  They did not protest, they did not applaud, they did not even comment.  They were too stunned by the news to do anything, so they stayed speechless, probably thinking “What does this seat-warmer think he is doing?”
Looking back, it is still breathtaking to think that this man saw the truth of history: that Catholic life was languishing, failing to communicate its vast ancient wisdom to the modern world. John not only had the vision to recognize the challenge, he also had hope enough to face it.
8.   Forged a historic friendship with Giovanni Battista Montini.  By the time John XXIII became pope, he had known then Archbishop Montini for more than 20 years.  It was Montini who notified Roncalli of his appointment as papal nuncio to Paris.  It was Montini who also asked him if he were willing to become patriarch of Venice.   
Msgr. Montini
They corresponded frequently over the years, well beyond the demands of protocol, and one biographer says that Montini became Roncalli’s “Roman confidant.” It was Montini who became the first new cardinal appointed by John.  It was Montini whom John invited to stay in the papal apartments during the first session of Vatican II.  And it was Montini who delivered John’s family to the pope’s deathbed in June 1963.
Why does this friendship matter?  Because Montini, for whom John was supposed to be keeping the papal throne warm, would in fact become John’s successor—Paul VI--in the summer of 1963. By that point, Vatican II had barely broken the surface of its massive agenda.  A new pope might well have abandoned the effort, and Vatican II would have melted into obscurity.
Instead, Pope Paul VI had already collaborated with John during 1962 on a plan to see the Council through-- so Paul became the real architect of John’s vision.  He put into prose John’s poetic vision to “open the windows” of the Church. Thus their friendship was the glue that enabled Vatican II to become the most significant religious event of the 20th century.
9.   Committed to change.  I have already written how, even before announcing his plan for the Council, John had begun to break with the status quo:
Feeling confined within Vatican City, he developed the habit of quietly slipping outside its walls at night so he could wander the streets of Rome.  This earned him an affectionate nickname among the Swiss guards and Vatican personnel who were privy to his nocturnal strolls.  They called him “Johnnie Walker.” These walks now stand as a metaphor for how John XXIII changed the papacy forever.
Perhaps his most famous joke was at the expense of the Vatican itself, and expressed his impatience with anyone treating the Church as a mere bureaucracy conducting its “business as usual.” Asked by a reporter how many people worked at the Vatican, he quickly replied “about half of them.”
When he opened the Council, he deliberately scolded church leaders who were rutted in a pessimistic view of the changing world around them.  He called them “doomsayers,” and suggested it was time for a renewal that would embrace a brighter future.  “The Council now beginning,” he said, “rises in the church like the sunrise, the forerunner of most splendid light.”
As the Council’s first session ended in December 1962, he predicted that the Council’s work would be so transforming that it would require a “vast effort of collaboration” around the world at all levels of the church to fulfill the Council’s vision. He was right: after 50 years, that effort remains unfinished.
10.  A man of courage.  When he announced his plan for the Council, even Montini was disbelieving.  “This old boy does not know,” Montini said, “what a hornet’s nest he is stirring up.” There were two reasons for this.  First, there was a lot to fix if Catholic life was to equip itself for the next century.  Second, they were powerful forces of resistance that wanted to make sure that such fixing would never happen.
John was not deterred—even after he knew he could not finish the job. John had wanted the Council to finish in a single session, but both the Council’s massive of agenda and the strong resistance to it made such fast action impossible.
John’s courage in persevering is reflected in a truth the public did not know at the time: he had cancer, and was dying, and must have felt, a bit like Martin Luther King, that although the Council would reach its destination, “I may not get there with you.”
Vatican II took three more sessions (1963-1965) under Paul VI. And yet John left us with his vision for the future of the Church still strong in his heart:
Consult not your fears but your hopes and your dreams.  Think not about your frustrations, but about your unfulfilled potential.  Concern yourself not with what you tried and failed in, but with what it is still possible for you to do.
Fifty years later, in a Church once again deeply challenged by change, those words ring truer--and more prophetic--than ever.
© Bernard F. Swain PhD 2012

Wednesday, October 3, 2012

#371 Manipulating the Catholic Vote



Now that Catholics represent a critical swing-voting group, some Catholics cannot resist exploiting faith to push their political agenda.

We hear a lot of complaints about “cafeteria Catholics.” But every election cycle brings another kind of Catholic into public view: the kind ready to exploit our faith for political gain.  I call them “Self-serve Catholics”.
In our time, this has mainly happened on the conservative side of the political spectrum.  The original Self-serve Catholics were Goldwater Republicans, chronically irked by the steadfast support of Catholics (80%) for John F. Kennedy.  Such Catholics were delighted when Lyndon Johnson’s civil rights leadership (1964, 1965) undermined the “Dixiecrats” (conservative southern Democrats) and turned the south over to the Republicans.  They were equally delighted when Roe v. Wade (1973) polarized the Catholic vote.  Catholics had been block Democratic voters since the days of Al Smith (1928), but by 1980 many were “Reagan Democrats” and over the last 30 years Catholics have become the largest swing vote in the nation.
The results delighted Self-servers: from 1968 to 2004, every President elected came from the south or California, far from the traditional Catholic liberal bedrocks of northeast urban centers.  And in 2004, even Catholic candidate John Kerry managed to get only 47% of the Catholic vote, largely because a caucus of conservative American bishops labeled him a bad Catholic.
But then, in 2008, Barack Obama regained the Catholic majority, and became the first northern liberal elected since John Kennedy.  This has left Self-servers doubling their efforts to regain conservative control of the Catholic vote.
I have repeatedly demonstrated that neither major party platform conforms to Catholic Social Teaching (CST), so neither party can lay claim to the Catholic vote as a right.  But Self-serve Catholics, undaunted by facts, continue trying to manipulate the Catholic vote using two main tactics.  First, they argue that only one issue should determine Catholic votes.  Second, they demonize one party (the Democrats) as immoral, anti-Catholic, even godless.
1. Single Issue Crusades.  In the 1960s, Self-serve Catholics struggled to find a Catholic litmus test for Democrats to fail: prayer in schools, sex education, birth control.  But after Roe v. Wade, the struggle shifted to attacking anyone who did not agree that legal prohibition of abortion was the best way to stop abortions.  In the last 10 years, gay rights and especially same-sex marriage have become new “single issue” options, but this year Self-serve Catholics have gone back to birth control, like this argument by columnist George Weigel:
Over the past four years, the Federal government has made unprecedented efforts to erode religious freedom.  The gravest assault was the “contraceptive mandate” issued earlier this year by the U.S. Dept of Health and Human Services: an offense to conscientious Catholic employers who believe what the church believes about the morality of human love and the ethics of the right to life, and a frontal attack on the institutional integrity of the Church.  For with the HHS mandate, the Federal government seeks nothing less than to turn the Catholic Church’s charitable and medical facilities into state agencies that facilitate practices the Catholic Church believes are gravely evil.
I have already explained why “offense to conscience” is a bogus argument against the HHS mandate (see CrossCurrents #350).  In America, the issue of religious freedom is already guaranteed by the First Amendment—and enforcing it is the responsibility of our courts, not our elected officials.  In fact, the matter is already in court.  If the courts decide this mandate does infringe on the Church’s religious freedom, then the mandate will go.  If not, the mandate will remain and Self-serve Catholics will continue to fight it, but they will lose any legitimate claim that it violates our rights.  Either way, the outcome has nothing to do with elections.
But facts are no deterrent to Self-serve Catholics.
2. Demonizing Democrats. George Weigel leads the crusade with relatively moderate rhetoric that nonetheless crosses the line.  He says “The Catholic Church is under assault of the United States today.” He argues that this assault violates the principle that “the state respect the sanctuary of conscience, so that the Church’s people are not required by law to do things the Church teaches are immoral.”
I confessed this dangerous-sounding language baffles me.  I picture federal police force-feeding birth control pills to Catholics citizens.  I wonder: precisely what immoral action will the government require people to do?  Will it require anyone to use contraceptives?  No.  Will it require anyone to buy them?  No.  Will it require Catholics to prescribe them?  No.  Will it require Catholics to pay for them?  Possibly, indirectly, by subsidizing the coverage of contraceptives by insurance companies--but then, we Catholics already subsidize the pharmaceutical companies that sell contraceptives all the time.  I have already explained why participating in the marketing of contraceptives cannot reasonably be called immoral (see CrossCurrents #350).  Yet Self-servers like Weigel persist in charging their political adversaries with immoral assault.
Such talk inspires others Self-servers to more inflammatory rhetoric.  Consider these examples, taken from the “Letters to the Editor” section of the very same issue of the Catholic newspaper in which Weigel’s column appeared.
One reader wrote:
We are already witnessing an attack on our freedom of religion by government edict…As Catholics it is our responsibility to fight against this evil…We should gather…in our churches for prayers to end the assault on our morality by the present administration in Washington and replace it with people with values like our own.
The writer is perfectly justified, of course, in wanting leaders with values like his own.  But he is not justified in invoking his Catholic faith to demonize political opponents as “evil.” Once again, there was no recognition that freedom of religion is already a constitutional right, to be protected by the courts, not politicians.
Another self serving reader made his demonizing even more personal:
The Obama administration’s war on religious freedom launched another attack with help from inside the Church.  Aided by every Catholic heretic in the Massachusetts congressional delegation, the Democrats are attempting to force religious institutions, especially the Catholic Church, to provide immoral medical procedures in violation of God’s law… They’re trying to limit our practice of our faith and to exclude us from the public arena. Our love for Jesus Christ tells us that we cannot allow this. We must resist and disobey these immoral laws and regulations.
Notice two things here.  First, the reference to “Catholic heretics” is an explicit claim that Catholics with contrary opinions on policy somehow violate their faith.  Second, these heretics are “attempting to force” the Church to participate in immorality.  In other words, these are not only bad Catholics, but they commit deliberate, premeditated evil on others.  And finally, in that writer’s view, not only do they “support immoral actions” but they even “refuse to recant publicly”!
There is no attempt by any of these writers to debate the issues at stake.  To them, the moral questions are black and white, the policy implications are self evident and beyond dispute, and the deliberate malice of their opponents renders all dialogue futile.  These assumptions trump both the facts and our faith.
And there is more.  Amid these demonizing attacks there is no corresponding description of “people with values like our own.” Since the context of these attacks is the election, we can presume the writers mean Republicans.  In other words, these electoral appeals presume that Republican policies are Catholic-friendly.  This begs the question: do Republicans have “values like our own“?
To me, this means asking whether Republican values conform to Catholic Social Teaching (CST).  Posing this question exposes the hypocrisy of Self-serve Catholics. The truth is that CST teaching clashes with Republican values and policies on many issues.  Let me cite two examples: “big government” and “human rights.”
Big Government.  Clearly a major policy priority for Republicans is the promotion of smaller government, less regulation, less taxation, less public spending.  This is built on the classic belief “that which governs least governs best,” and is rooted in a narrow concept of “freedom” as personal economy.  That is, we are free to the extent the government does not intrude in our lives.
I have already explained (CrossCurrents #83) that freedom means much more in our Catholic tradition, but the simpler objection is this: CST teaching places no value on the size of government.  It focuses instead on the role government plays in promoting “the common good” - - which is the prime value of CST.  If the common good is served by a larger government, CST supports that. CST even recommends using taxation to fight inequality by redistributing wealth. Do Republicans?
Human Rights.  Politics aside, most Americans agree that securing human rights for the citizenry is the job of government.  But many Americans, even American Catholics--and especially Self-servers--embrace a list of human rights that is much shorter than the human rights recognized by CST.  This allows them to assume--wrongly--that the Republican Party is Catholic-friendly.
How often do Republicans acknowledge that “illegals” are actually exercising the human right to migrate, as Catholicism does?
How often do Republicans acknowledge that healthcare is a human right, to be guaranteed by government, as Catholicism does?
How often do Republicans call housing, education, and employment human rights, as Catholicism does?
In my view, both parties, Democratic and Republican, fail to consistently support CST.  Yet I feel no need to demonize either party, or to claim they’re attacking me or my faith.  For me, it is enough to say that CST sets a standard they both fail to reach.
But that is not enough for Self-serve Catholics.  They insist on demonizing Democrats as deliberately imposing evil, while blithely giving Republicans a pass on their own failures.  What else can I think but this: these Self-serve Catholics begin with a particular political bias, filter their Catholic faith through that bias, and then invoke that distorted version of Catholicism to attack their political opponents and advance their own political agenda?  And how can I not think that such an exploitation of our faith is self-serving?
I am open to dialogue with those who want to explain how demonizing Democrats, while absolving Republicans, is a reasonable application of our faith.  But until that happens, I will stand by this: these Catholics offend me with their Self-serving political exploitation of our faith.
© Bernard F. Swain PhD 2012